The case of Blantyre Synod, Malawi

Felix L Chingota

On August 29 and 30 1998 the Women's Guild in Blantyre Synod of the Church of Central Africa, Presbyterian (CCAP) celebrated the 50th anniversary of the establishment of the Guild as a recognized women's movement. Their theme was: "Striving Towards the Goal: Jesus Christ Our Hope".

As the theme makes clear, Guild members looked on the previous 50 years as a period of striving, of struggles, of ups and downs. They were under no illusion that they had attained their goal. They looked forward with hope in Jesus Christ to a time when their goal would be attained. In a brochure which was produced to mark the celebrations, the women were happy that the Synod had established a women's desk. They were confident that the establishment of the women's desk would assist towards the attainment of certain goals: a standard style of uniform; an increase in membership; uniformity in training; the construction of the "Jubilee House" building; and the ordination of women.

Thus, the ordination of women to the ministry of word and sacrament is one of the wishes of the women in Blantyre Synod. It must be noted that the demand for women to be ordained would push to a certain level the involvement of women in church life. It should also be noted that this demand was clearly stated in 1988. It is important therefore to begin by taking a brief look at women's involvement in church life before this date.

Development of women's involvement before 1988

On January 12 1950, following a recommendation from the Mission Council¹, Blantyre Presbytery agreed to set up a Presbyterian Council responsible for women's work².

Before 1950 the responsibilities of the Presbyterian Council for Women's Work were handled by the Mission Council. As far as Malawian women were concerned, Kirk Sessions would sometimes choose women helpers to assist in cases where Christian women needed advice and guidance, and finally recognized the services of these women within congregations. But there was as yet no organizational body at Presbytery level³.

The Women's Council was composed of all the women on the mission staff together with three women from each district within the Presbytery, to be chosen by the minister in each district and names to be submitted to the Kirk Session for approval. The first convenors were Mrs Benzie and Ms Edith Wesley and secretaries were Dr Dabb and Mrs Grace Makonyola. When the Presbytery met on July 13 1950 it was Ms Edith Wesley who presented the report on women's work to the meeting. The activities of women included the following: helping women in trouble by giving gifts, visitation, and personal service; cleaning the floors of churches. Some women helped Kirk Sessions by interviewing women with cases of discipline. Reports of the Presbyterian Women's Council included reports on hospital and school.

At the Presbytery meeting of March 27 1952 it was reported that there were 15 women's guild branches. By 1954, their number had increased to 44. The training of branch leaders became imperative. In 1952 it was reported that 27 women had attended a Leader's Training Course at Mulanje. The Presbytery meeting on 25 March 1954 recommended the training of more women's guild branch leaders. It was also recommended that women workers should be trained who on completion of their training would serve in their parishes at home. Such leaders should be selected by ministries⁴.

At the Blantyre Synod meeting on September 20 1956, it was reported that one lady, Mrs Betty Chumba, had finished a three-year training at Mulanje and it was recommended to Blantyre Presbytery that she should work among women and girls in town in cooperation with a minister and his wife and some missionaries. Mrs Chumba began her work in 1957 at Chigumula and other churches under the Rev C. Nkunga. In 1959 it was recommended that each Presbytery should have a well trained full-time worker and that the one who was then undergoing training should be sent to Zomba Presbytery. By 1967 there were 68 such workers among the women. These workers are known as Oyendera Mvano (Mvano Visiting Supervisors).

In 1964, Blantyre Synod agreed that the Women's Work committee should find a well-qualified Malawian woman to do full-time work in the Synod. It was only in 1967 that the first such woman was found and trained. By 1968 three such women had been trained and their names are Mrs Silamoyo, Mrs Kawere and Mrs Kabambe.

Highly trained personnel for women's work was recommended in a ten-year development plan adopted by the Synod meeting which was held from September 6 to 9 1976. The recommendation read:

"A suitable young woman - junior certificate or Malawian Certificate of Education holder - be found for immediate leadership and women's work training. She should be enrolled at Kapeni Theological College for three years starting from this year 1976. Thereafter she should attend a six-month course in women's work in Africa. At the competition of her training she should provide effective and knowledgeable leadership in Synod's women's work."⁵

By enrolling at Kapeni Theological College the young woman was going to follow the same course that ministers in Blantyre Synod undertake before being ordained to the ministry of word and sacrament. In her case, however, it was clearly indicated that her training was meant to equip her to provide effective and knowledgeable leadership in women's work. The question of ordaining women to the ministry of word and sacrament was not in view.

Although the ordination of women to the ministry of word and sacrament was not in view in 1976, it was to be expected that this question would arise at some point in the future, given the fact that both male and female members of the church were now receiving the same training that is required to be ordained.

There were two other developments within the Synod which can be viewed as preparation for such a question to be asked. The first development related to the conditions of service for women church workers. As early as 1926, a committee of white women on the Blantyre mission agreed that the committee would be responsible for the salary of a woman whom they proposed to be trained in Bible knowledge. It was only in 1967 that the Synod took over this responsibility. This is significant in that women were for the first time recognized as salaried personnel of Blantyre Synod.

The other development was in relation to the membership of women in decision-making bodies as full participants with voting power. In 1904, a woman - Janet Beck - was allowed to sit on the Mission Council as a voting member.⁶ Of course women attended Kirk Sessions and later on Presbytery and Synod meetings. But they attended only to present reports from women's work. In the 1970s, it was suggested that women should be ordained deacons and church elders. The first ordination of women as church leaders took place in 1980.⁷ This entitled women to be voting members of Kirk Sessions.

According to the system of Presbyterian church government, church elders (as ruling elders) and ministers (as teaching elders) must be represented at all church courts beginning from Kirk Sessions, through Presbytery and Synod, to General Synod. Thus, legally, women church elders are eligible to be members of these courts. Furthermore, as church elders, women are eligible for election as clerk of session or as congregational treasurer. At present there are congregations whose session clerks and congregational treasurers are women.

One of the duties of a church elder is to assist in the distribution of the elements of bread and wine during a communion service. There are many congregations which do involve women church elders in this work. And wherever women have been involved in the distribution of the sacramental elements, there has not been any objection.

It may seem a small step from distribution of elements to the saying of prayers for the consecration of elements, which at present only ordained male ministers are allowed to do.

The development of women's involvement since 1988

The way the ordination of women to the ministry of word and sacrament has been handled in Blantyre Synod since 1988 has been well described by Dr IA Phiri.⁸ She notes that the issue was first discussed at a seminar on "Women in the 1990s" which was held at Chilema Ecumenical and Training Centre in 1998. One of the resolutions agreed at the end of the seminar was to recommend to the CCAP General Synod that the issue of the ordination of women be considered.

Blantyre Synod organized a follow-up meeting for women at Grace Bandawe Conference Centre in September 1990. At this meeting, the women again asked the churches to reconsider their stand on the issue of ordination of women to the ministry of word and sacrament. Earlier in his opening remarks to the seminar, the then General Secretary of Blantyre Synod, the Very Rev. Dr SS Ncozana, said that "male dominance in the church is traditional but has no place in the kingdom of God. It is not part of God's plan, but of human making." In spite of this, when the motion to consider ordaining women to the ministry of word and sacrament was tabled during the 1991 Synod meeting it was defeated.

This was not the end of the struggle. Prior to the meeting of the General Administration Committee in April 1994, Rev. Alice Kyei Arti conducted seminars in Presbyteries as part of conscientization efforts. However, when the issue of ordination of women was raised at the GAC meeting, it was resolved to report to the General Synod that (a) Blantyre Synod was progressing very well on the issue of promoting partnership between men and women in the church and (b) the time was not yet ripe to consider ordaining any woman.

After the General Synod meeting at which Blantyre Synod stated its position regarding the ordination of women along these lines, Blantyre Synod women decided to organize a peaceful march to present a petition to a meeting of Synod and Presbytery administrators at Grace Bandawe in January 1995.

Blantyre Synod responded to this march by taking disciplinary action against all women full-time workers. Since then the issue of ordination of women seems to have been ignored. Although the march can be defended as an action taken by a frustrated group of women, it seems to me that it has had retrogressive results: it did not help very much to promote the concerns of women.

Thus the official position of Blantyre Synod on the question of ordaining women is "that Synod is progressing very well on the issue of promoting partnership between man and woman; but that it is not yet time to consider ordaining any woman". That Blantyre Synod has progressed very well on the issue of involving women in church life is not disputed. Women are on the payroll of Blantyre Synod; they are represented as full voting members on almost all decision-making bodies; some women do hold responsible positions in the church as session clerks or congregational treasurers; they participate fully in the Lord's Supper as church elders distributing the eucharistic elements. With these developments, the ground seems to be well-prepared for the next step - ordaining women to the ministry of word and sacraments. The Synod, however, proved reluctant to take that step, both in 1991 and in 1994. What are the reasons for this? I would like to suggest two. The first is a question of power relations; and the second is a question of attitude to sexuality in relation to sacraments.

The factor of power-relationships

Klaus Fiedler argues that power in the churches is organized around the sacraments⁹. He lists what he considers to be the five important points in the doctrine of sacrament. Two of these points are:

1. The mainline churches agree that the sacraments are necessary for a healthy Christian life and growth;
2. all denominations agree that a full Christian life is also a sacramental life. Emphases differ, and expressions vary, but each denomination expects a full member in good standing to participate in the sacraments whenever they are offered.

Given the importance accorded to the sacraments by the churches, then the issue of power comes in because the administration of sacraments is tied to ordination. The administration of sacraments can thus be viewed as a status symbol, a symbol of power. The reluctance of males to allow women to be ordained can be expressed in a question: "Why should we share power with those who are inferior to us (males)?"

The factor of sexuality in relation to sacraments

An appreciation of this problem dawned upon me when I was the minister in charge of Zomba CCAP congregation in the years 1981-82. I noticed that attendance at holy communion was not impressive. At the beginning of the Sunday service the church building would be filled to capacity, but when the time came for the celebration of the Lord's Supper many people would walk out.

The people who walked out may have had their own reasons for doing so. If they were asked, perhaps they would have given the following reasons: I am under church discipline; I have not yet been confirmed or baptized; it is too late, I have some business to do. Apart from these reasons, however, I believe that some church members walked out because of reasons related to sexuality.

This suspicion was confirmed when I organized seminars for married couples. The seminars were based on studies of biblical passages: Leviticus chapters 12 and 15. These seminars were conducted at Zomba main congregation and at its various Prayer Houses. It took me almost two months to go round all the places of worship under Zomba congregation. After these seminars there was the Lord's Supper to be celebrated at the main church.

On this particular Sunday the attendance at the Lord's Supper more than doubled. On previous occasions, three-quarters of a loaf of bread was sufficient. However on this particular Sunday two loaves of bread were used. During the service a person had to be sent to buy an extra loaf of bread. This was a clear indication to me that issues of sexuality do influence church members' attendance at the celebration of the Lord's Supper.

My suspicion has been further confirmed by the results of interviews which I have conducted in the Southern Region. Moreover, a number of members of the Women's Guild from the Northern and Central Regions but currently residing in the Southern Region have said that issues of sexuality do indeed influence church members' participation in the Lord's Supper in their own regions also.¹⁰

It is worth referring here to a discussion of the "contexts of African women's lives" during one of the plenary sessions at a "Convention of African Women in Theology", held in Ghana from September 24 to 30 1989. There were case studies from Nigeria, the Democratic Republic of Congo (formerly Zaire), and South Africa. Through these case studies, it was made clear that "a woman is not accepted as a whole person. For example, she is surrounded by rituals of impurity because of her womanhood".¹¹ This indicates that the sexuality and the issues related to it are African problems.

However, let me add here that the problem of sexuality is not simply an African problem. While I was preparing this paper I came across an article by GLC Frank entitled "Menstruation and Motherhood: Christian Attitudes in Late Antiquity". Frank cites works by Elizabeth Clark and Ross Kraemer who argue separately that a woman was not accepted as a whole person even in the period from the third to the sixth century AD. Frank also cites a book by HR Hays which argues "that the notion of women's sexual processes being impure is widespread and persistent, that the magical fear of menstrual blood is particularly intense, and that this menstrual anxiety is so deeply ingrained in the male psyche that it is found not only in ancient or primitive cultures but in folk traditions as well."¹² Thus it can be seen that the problem of sexuality is widespread both historically and geographically.

It seems to me that Malawian ideas about sexuality and participation in the Lord's Supper have been shaped by a number of factors: the Malawian cultural heritage, the Presbyterian doctrine of God; and the interpretation of particular biblical passages. Let me consider these points in turn.

The Malawian cultural heritage

One of the factors that have shaped Malawian Christians' attitude to the sacrament of the Lord's Supper is the Malawian social and religious cultural heritage. Let me begin with a few examples of taboos observed by Malawians.

Among the Yao, abstinence from sexual intercourse by married couples for a period of ten to twenty days in times of bereavement was observed¹³. According to Abdallah, even men whose wives were expectant or had an infant in their arms, or who did not know how to take the nostrum against the ndaka (becoming bloated by contact with a corpse), were banned from lowering a dead body into a grave¹⁴. Those people who took part in this office were not supposed to have sexual intercourse with their wives. If they did then the unborn child would die or the infant would fall sick.

There are other occasions when sexual abstinence must be observed. These are times when girls and boys are at initiation camps¹⁵ and when there is a very sick person in the family.

There are taboos associated with menstruation, pregnancy and child birth¹⁶. During her menstruation period, a woman is not supposed to put salt in relish, and she is not supposed to sleep with a man. During pregnancy, the expectant woman is not supposed to put salt in relish and is not supposed to sleep with any other man apart from her husband. The husband also must refrain from committing adultery. Moreover, after childbirth a married couple must refrain from sexual intercourse for a period which can extend from six to eight weeks.

How can all these conventional rules be explained? Apart from other known causes of illness and death, such as witchcraft, Malawians associate illness and death with what is known as mdulo (derived from the Chichewa word, kudula, which means to cut, because death comes when a person feels a cutting pain in the stomach) or ndaka (for the Yaos). Thus through an investigation of mdulo, its nature and purpose, it may be possible to appreciate the conventional rules.

1. Mdulo

Explanations of illness, misfortune and death normally fall into two categories - a personalistic medical system and a naturalistic medical system. A personalistic medical system is one in which illness is believed to be caused by the active, purposeful intervention of an agent who may be a supernatural being (a deity or god), a non-human being (such as a ghost, ancestor, or evil spirit), or a human being (a witch or sorcerer). The sick person is a victim, the object of aggression or punishment directed specifically against him, for a reason that concerns him alone. In the naturalistic medical system, illness is explained in impersonal terms¹⁷.

Against a number of scholars such as Drake (1976), Jacobson-Widding (1989), Marwick (1965), van Breugel (1977), and van Bruwer (1949) who emphasize the moral aspect of mdulo, Annette Drews argues that mdulo has naturalistic causes¹⁸. She maintains that the moral code of mdulo is less concerned with putting the blame on a "cutter" than with avoiding incompatible temperatures¹⁹.

Illness and misfortunes, she argues, are attributed to the collusion of conflicting forces symbolized by physical and natural entities (temperature, sun/moon, menstrual blood/semen, man/woman). It is this collusion of conflicting forces which ultimately gives rise to the moral code of the society²⁰. Although Drews can say this she also admits that human agents have the responsibility of avoiding the contagious contact.

Moral responsibility, she says, lies with the person who can prevent the clash with a person of a different ritual status²¹. In this respect, mdulo has both personalistic and naturalistic causes. Hence its ambiguous nature.

There are three aspects to the mdulo complex²²: ritual statuses which constitute the conflicting forces; the moral behaviour which leads to the collusion of the ritual statuses; and the resulting illness or death. The ritual statuses are described in terms of temperatures, either "cold" (wozizira), or "hot" (wotentha). "Hotness" implies the existence of relative sexual activity or potentiality, and "coldness" implies the relative absence of this factor. These two statuses must not be mixed for that would result in a contamination which leads to illness or death. The contamination itself can occur in either direction depending on circumstances. The collusion of these two conflicting ritual temperatures can occur at any stage of an individual's life. In this case we can talk about types of mdulo depending on the stage in life at which a person is affected. There are three types: mdulo wa mwana (illness associated with pregnancy and childbirth) mdulo wa namwali (illness associated with puberty and initiation rites), mdulo wa akulu (illness associated with death).

2. Mdulo wa mwana (pregnancy and childbirth)

In her research among the Kundas of Zambia, Drews noted that the Kundas believe that the act of conception is a process, it is not a once-for-all act²³. In the act of conception is a mixture of blood from the mother and from the father. During the period of the wife's pregnancy the husband is not supposed to commit adultery and then have sexual intercourse with his wife. If he does then he is introducing foreign blood into the foetus. The wife too is not supposed to commit adultery for the same reason. If she did then she would have difficulties during delivery. The reason for this is that the child feels shame because it needs to know its lineage and where two blood types from two women were mixed, the child would find it difficult to identify itself with any lineage. The problem would be solved if parents confessed the names of their lovers. Identification of lineage is important because one depends on kinsfolk for support and protection. The foetus, while it was in the mother's womb, was ritually "hot". At birth it becomes "cold" and therefore vulnerable. In this light, the child needs protection from "hot" forces prevailing in the village and an identification of lineage assists in this.

To be born is to embark on a new experience. The delicate condition of the infant demands caution in its handling and care. It needs to be protected. Thus persons who are sexually active and therefore ritually "hot" (such as menstruating women) are not allowed to handle the infant who is at this time ritually "cold". The husband also, during a proscribed period of sexual intercourse which lasts for six to eight weeks, is not allowed to commit adultery, come back and fondle the infant. After the eight weeks are over and the rite of kutenga mwana (a rite to strengthen the child) is performed, adultery is no longer harmful to the infant. The eight weeks of sexual abstinence are important because the wife is considered to be ritually "cold" or impure due to the "bad blood" of delivery. Sexual contact with her husband who is ritually "hot" will result in the husband suffering from mdulo.

What is most important to note in all this is that the sexual behaviour of the husband, and to some extent of the wife as well, is controlled during the period when the latter is physically weak. The moral codes thus would appear to have been designed to control the sexual behaviour of the husband. It is in this context that it has been contended that the mdulo complex is meant to establish and maintain order where ordered relations especially in a matrilineal nuclear family are perceived as disturbed by social-sexual events such as adultery, menstruation, or the failure to follow certain ritual prescriptions²⁴. The mdulo complex is especially significant in cases where sex-role expectations are not clearly defined. In such circumstances the mdulo complex provides a viable solution to the problem of order by determining infraction of the rules: focusing concern; marshalling public opinion; deterring wrong-doers²⁵.

3. Mdulo wa namwali (puberty and initiation)

When a girl reaches puberty she is immediately secluded in a hut of an elderly person and the latter becomes her go-between (phungu). The go-between assists in the ceremonials and instructions of the girl. The girl (known as namwali) is instructed not to take salt in her relish until she is treated, otherwise she will suffer from mdulo. The namwali is also instructed about the secrets of menstrual blood. Uterine blood, she is told, is a potential source of illness. Consequently she must refrain from sleeping with a man during her menstruation period. In fact the seclusion itself ensures the safety of the namwali, who is considered at this time to be ritually "cold", from "hot" influences outside. The namwali, who, in fact, is in a delicate transitional stage to womanhood, needs that protection. The purity and safety of the namwali are further ensured by sexual abstinence of the parents, the go-between and any close kinsfolk from the time the condition of the girl is known to the time when she is reintegrated into society.

Recently the issue of Christian initiation ceremonies for boys was discussed at a meeting of the Research Committee of Zomba Presbytery. Before this meeting members of the committee went around all the congregations of the Presbytery seeking their opinions regarding the modalities of such an initiation. In a number of congregations, initiation ceremonies for boys were opposed on the grounds that they were an Islamic practice and not Christian. Those who supported the idea insisted, however, that it should take place in the bush near a river rather than within the premises of a church building. It was further emphasized that during this time parents must exercise sexual abstinence. This point was also mentioned during a conference of church elders which was held at Dambolanyanga CCAP congregation specifically to discuss the question of initiation rites for boys. It was pointed out that initiation for boys is "death" (imeneyi ndi imfa). What was meant by this remark was that the initiation ceremonies symbolize the death and rebirth of the namwali. Even more important, the remark meant that during this time the neophytes have a 50-50 chance of surviving the circumcision procedure. Hence the need for sexual abstinence of the parents. It would therefore appear that anxiety about the safety of anamwali (plural of namwali) does have a considerable influence on the sexual behaviour of parents and other close kinsfolk.

4. Mdulo wa akulu (illness and death)

There are other occasions when married couples are required to abstain from sexual intercourse. One of these occasion is when someone is seriously sick in the family. Here anxiety about the health of the sick person influences the sexual behaviour of the couple. If the sick person dies, the bereaved and any close kinsfolk must abstain from sexual intercourse²⁶. Perhaps this has to do with the principle of "cold" and "hot" rituals statuses since the corpse is regarded as "cold" and a sexually active person is regarded as ritually "hot". The abstinence may also be due to the fact that, because one has been so overwhelmed by grief, one is incapable of combining this emotion with the emotion of joy associated with sexual intercourse. The period of sexual abstinence can last up to two or three days after burial. During this time married women spend nights with the bereaved.

Some purification is done for those who assisted during the burial ceremony. This is done by washing hands in a pot of water placed either on the path as people return from the grave or by the house in which the corpse lay during the day or two previous to burial. A few days later there is another ceremony, known as kumeta maliro, which includes shaving, washing and medical treatment. This marks the official ending of a period of sexual abstinence. Drake has noted that shaving is also done when a baby comes out of the hut (chikuta), and a namwali is shaved at the conclusion of the initiation ceremony. Thus shaving marks the end of a status transformation, the old status of susceptibility and seclusion is exchanged for one of immunity and availability.

5. The Mdulo complex and the sacraments

The foregoing discussion indicates that pregnancy and birth, menstruation (blood), and death are such "sacred" occasions that extreme caution and care are demanded in handling them. During such occasions sexual behaviour must be controlled and sometimes salted relish must be avoided. All these "sacred" occasions have one thing in common, the people closely associated with them - the expectant mother, the infant, the namwali, and the corpse - all have the status of ritual "coldness". The people whose reproductive functions must be controlled have the status of ritual "hotness".

If these occasions can be dubbed as "set apart", then they are analogous to the Lord's Supper in that some people believe that they must abstain from sexual intercourse with their married partners in preparation for the Lord's Supper. The Lord's Supper is viewed as having the status of ritual "coldness" and therefore placed on a par with an expectant mother, a namwali and a corpse.

However, I have been told that some expectant mothers, menstruating women, and bereaved people also tend to abstain from participating in the Lord's Supper. How can this be explained? There are two possible ways: either by using the concept of "incest" within the mdulo complex or by looking at the religious cultural heritage.

In terms of the first approach, the expectant mothers, menstruating women, and bereaved people have a status of ritual "coldness." The sacrament of the Lord's supper also has a status of ritual "coldness". The two categories are therefore alike, and in a matrilineal society any contact between people of the same family is considered as "incest" and is prohibited.

The religious cultural heritage

As well as the mdulo complex, the traditional religious heritage also helps to shape the ordinary Malawian approach to the sacrament of the Lord's Supper. A number of scholars have pointed out that women played significant roles at different rain shrines²⁷. In the Southern Region for example, a woman known as Salima used to act as prophetess of the Mbona cult. At other shrines in Thyolo, Mwanza, and Blantyre women played the role of intermediaries. In the Central Region there was a shrine at Msinja for the Chisumphi cult. Here too, a woman known as either Mangazi or Makewana was the chief official. She had assistants known as Matsanos. Those recruited as Matsanos were girls between the ages of five and six, that is, before puberty.

What is most significant as far as these women intermediaries are concerned is that they were not supposed to get married or to become pregnant. Perhaps only those who had reached their menopause were the ones who were normally called upon to be intermediaries. There was a very strong belief that menstruating women and expectant mothers should not come close to the shrines. Isabel Phiri reports that in the 1950s a young woman who was called by Chisumphi to become a Makewana decided to get married. She conceived and gave birth to a child. Soon after delivery she fell sick and began to see hallucinations and after a long illness she died²⁸. It is not very clear whether anyone who had engaged in sexual intercourse the previous night would be accepted to participate in traditional worship. Isabel Phiri mentions that Makewana would be involved in ritual intercourse at the shrine with a special functionary known as Kamundi to mark the end of the initiation ceremony for girls²⁹. This seems to be an isolated case.

The Presbyterian doctrine of God

Another factor which influences ordinary Malawians' attitude to the Lord's Supper is the church's teaching. I am informed that the late Rev. Chikwesela used to say, "You fall sick and sometimes die because you unworthily partake in the Lord's Supper." Ordinary Christians understood "unworthiness" in terms of being sinful and also in terms of anything that is abhorrent, such as menstrual blood. Menstruating women are traditionally regarded as "dirty". Even having sexual intercourse with your partner is traditionally viewed as "dirtying oneself". There is a song sung by some choir groups and one line in that song reads: Woipa monga Yudasi asadye Mgonero (a sinner like Judas should not partake of the Lord's Supper). Thus the Lord's Supper is viewed as meant for those who are morally upright. One Presbyterian minister is reported to have said, "How can you begin to eat food without washing your hands?" The implication is that you must be morally pure before partaking of the Lord's Supper.

The Presbyterian church in Malawi has historical roots in the Reformed tradition of John Calvin. One of Calvin's essential teachings is order or discipline. This is a result of Calvin's conception of God as king. Whoever would approach God as the King of Kings must be disciplined and well-dressed. Dirty clothes must be washed and people must look smart before they appear before the presence of God. There is an ontological difference between God as creator and human beings as creatures. Before the presence of the Creator human beings can only be subservient.

Interpretation of the Bible

The church's approach to God and the traditional religious heritage taken together influenced even the interpretation of the Bible. The biblical passages that are mostly used during puberty initiation rites are Leviticus chapters 12 and 15. Below is a free translation of Leviticus 12:

The Lord spoke to Moses saying. "Speak to the children of Israel: 'If a woman will be with child and she bears a son then she shall be unclean for seven days, as the days of the impurity of her menstruation (sickness); she shall be unclean. Then on the eighth day the flesh of his foreskin shall be circumcised. Then for thirty-three days she shall stay in the menstruation blood. Anything that is holy she shall not touch and she shall not enter the holy tent until the completion of the days of her menstruation. But if it is a daughter she will give birth to, then she shall be unclean for fourteen days as her menstruation. When the days of her menstruation are completed whether for a son or a daughter she shall bring to the entrance of the tent of meeting, to the priest, lamb one year old for a burnt offering and a dove or a turtle-dove for a sin offering. He shall present it before the Lord and so the priest shall cover over her and purify her from the impurity of her blood. This is the law for the woman who gives birth to a son or a daughter. However, if the woman cannot find a lamb then she shall take two turtle doves or two doves one for a burnt offering and the other for a sin offering and the priest shall cover over her and purify her.'"

The way this passage has been used by alangizi (instructresses for the initiates) has been to emphasize the holiness and separateness of the place of worship and its opposition to the "dirtiness" of a woman who has just given birth to a child. Her status in the passage is likened to that of a menstruating women. Just as a menstruating woman is not supposed to approach a holy place, similarly a woman who has just given birth to a child is not supposed to approach a holy place or even to touch a holy object. The alangizi apply the situation as depicted in the Bible directly to the present situation. Thus menstruating women and women who have just given birth to a child should not be allowed to touch the elements of the Lord's Supper for these are holy.

It was pointed out to me that some married couples who abstain from sleeping together for a week or so before the time for the celebration of the Lord's Supper, do so as means of self-purification³⁰. In fact, one of the people whom I interviewed told me that some married couples still feel that they are sinning when they sleep together³¹. However, the moral aspect did not come up in the response by those who abstain from participation in the Lord's Supper because they were menstruating. For some at least, they felt the menstrual blood rendered them so physically unclean that it would not be good to partake in the Lord's Supper³².

An assessment of the expressed theology of the sacraments

The ordinary Malawian believes that the Lord's Table is no ordinary table. It is something "set "apart", sacred", and it must be protected and handled with a lot of care. Its separation from the sphere of humanity is derived from the nature of the Deity himself. Rudolf Otto³³ has described God (the Wholly Other) as possessing two attributes, namely the mysterium tremendum et fascinans. It is because of the first attribute that human beings should approach the Deity with fear and trembling. We have here a transcendental theology of the sacraments.

The emphasis on the transcendental nature of the sacrament of the Lord's Supper is very important. Mrs Nkomba argued that a certain amount of fear is necessary if people are to guard themselves against immoral life³⁴. Fear, she argued, is a strong deterrent against loose living. It must be said, however, that an overemphasis on the transcendence of God is not healthy because there is also the aspect of fascinans which must be taken into account.

Ordinary Malawians believe that they cannot approach God when they are either physically unclean or morally impure. The moral and the physical are inseparable in the ordinary Malawian world-view. Schoffeleers has emphasized the same point in relation to territorial cults. He argues that in Central Africa cults are seen to be part and parcel of the eco-system³⁵. There is thus, an interrelatedness between the sacred and the profane in the African's world-view.

The message of Leviticus 12

To what extent is this understanding of the sacramenents reflected in the biblical text? The message of Lev 12 must be understood in the light of Ex 40 and Lev 15.31.

Chapters 11 to 15 of the book of Leviticus deal with things clean and unclean and the rituals for making an unclean person clean. The basic idea is the holiness of God. Any unclean person that dares to approach God will die. For fear of death, an unclean person must ritually be made clean.

The issue of holiness must be understood in the context of exodus from Egypt and the making of covenant on Mount Sinai. The deliverance by God of the Israelites from Egypt made them into a people of God. A relationship between God and the Israelites was made. The covenant made at Mount Sinai between God and the Israelites was a revelation of God's will for his people. Ex 40 is part of this covenant tradition. In this chapter (vv.34f.), the God who spoke to the Israelites from the heavens descended upon the newly finished tabernacle. The transcendent God became the immanent God in the midst of his people. Hence the problem: how were the Israelites to relate to this holy God in their midst? The people must be careful not to defile God's tabernacle lest they die. The problem then becomes one of sanctification (Lev 11.44). The book of Leviticus has thus been described as depicting a community exploring its relationship with God³⁶.

Leviticus 12 is part of the people of Israel's struggle to explore its relationship with the Holy God. This struggle can be appreciated in the light of Israel's religious environment, that is, Canaanite religion. One of the fundamental aspects of Canaanite religion was the deification of sex³⁷. The divine powers were believed to be revealed through the mystery of sex and fertility, for the gods were believed to be essentially sexual. There were a male god Baal and his wife Ashtart. The sexual relationships of the gods determined the recurrent cycle of death and renewal of fertility. Human beings could cooperate in this by practising sympathetic magic or imitative magic. There were cultic prostitutes provided for this purpose. Thus if the people wanted rain then they would go to different temples and imitate the gods by having sexual relationships with the cultic prostitutes. These acts would influence the god Baal to mate with the goddess Ashtart.

By engaging in this sacred prostitution the Israelites did not think that they were abandoning Yahweh, rather they believed that in the realm of nature only Baal had control. However not all Israelites believed in this theology. There were others, such the prophet Elijah, who were of a different opinion. They believed that Yahweh had control over nature as well, as demonstrated in the contest between Elijah and the prophets of Baal at Mt Carmel (1 Kings 18). It was therefore a struggle to separate oneself from the influences of Canaanite religion and become loyal to Yahweh. By making sexual intercourse temporarily defiling the authors of Lev 12 and 15 were effectively separating Israelite cult from the practices of the fertility cults. Ultimately it was not simply a struggle to separate oneself from the influences of the Canaanite religion but a struggle for monolatry and maybe also for incipient monotheism. To have other gods besides Yahweh is expressly forbidden (Ex 20.3).

According to Lev 12 there is a prescribed way of being loyal to Yahweh and that is through the purification system. This is not Israel's attempt to win God's favour, for the rituals are commanded by God. In this context they can be interpreted as means of grace, a gift from God. The struggle is to make the unclean clean, Yahweh trying to win over the profane world to himself. On Israel's part it is a process of sanctification, imitatio dei. Holiness in this respect is not inherent in people or objects. Rather it is something to be striven for and preserved by human effort. Viewed at in this way, holiness ceases to be merely ritualistic and becomes also ethical. No wonder that in Lev 19.11ff, cultic practices and ethics are integral parts of holiness. Houston has argued that because Lev. 11 which deals with the law of clean and unclean animals has passed through two redactional stages - Priestly and Deuteronomic - it combines the ritualistic and the ethical aspects of holiness.There is thus interrelatedness between the sacred and the profane.

The ordinary Malawian's sense of awe before the Lord's Supper is a necessary corrective to the tendency to approach the sacraments carelessly. The ordinary Malawian must be commended for recognizing the interrelatedness between the sacred and the profane.

There is one problem, however, with the Malawian popular reading of Leviticus. The text was a battle for monolatry and monotheism, on the one hand, and sanctification, on the other. The battle was waged over the issue of sex, trying to separate it from the sphere of the divine. That battle was won. This does not mean that the battle is over, rather it means that the battle takes new forms at different times and circumstances.

Conclusion

Blantyre Synod has not yet started to ordain women to the ministry of word and sacrament. However there seems to be enough preparation for this. I believe that it is simply a matter of time before women can be allowed to be ordained. "Though the mills of God grind slowly, yet they grind exceedingly small." Significant changes regarding women's involvement in the ministry of the church have slowly taken place within Blantyre Synod. What needs to be done now is to develop literature on theology of power which can be distributed to members of Blantyre Synod and to develop contextual Bible study manuals dealing with texts relating to problems of sexuality.

At the end of the day it may require an enlightened and courageous church leadership to take the step of ordaining women. It took an enlightened and courageous leadership in the person of Rev. Dr David Clement Scott before Malawians could be given responsibilities to manage the affairs of the church. When Dr Scott decided to ordain Malawians and to share with them the responsibilities of the Mission in the form of an indigenized Kirk Session he faced a lot of opposition both from his colleagues and from the Foreign Mission Committee back home. However, he braved it all so that now we can be proud of an African church under Malawian leadership.

Felix L Chingota teaches in Chancellor College, Zomba, in the Religious Department of the University of Malawi

Notes